Defendant s Position With Respect - 1463 Words

DEFENDANT’S POSITION WITH RESPECT TO SENTENCING COMES NOW the Defendant, Josue Emmanuel Rivera Lemus, by and through counsel, Vernida R. Chaney, and pursuant to18 U.S.C.  § 3553(a), Rule 32 of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, Section 6A1.2 the United States Sentencing Commission, Guidelines Manual (â€Å"U.S.S.G.† or the â€Å"Guidelines†), United States v. Booker, 543 U.S. 220 (2005), United States v. Hughes, 401 F.3d 540 (4th Cir. 2005), and this Court’s Policy Regarding Procedure to be followed in Sentencing, represents that he has reviewed the Probation Office’s Presentence Investigation Report and submits the Defendant’s Position with Respect to Sentencing to aid the Court in determining an appropriate sentence. I. LEGAL STANDARD†¦show more content†¦18 U.S.C.  §Ã‚ § 3553(a), (a)(2)(A-D). The court, in determining the particular sentence to be imposed, shall also consider the nature and circumstances of the offense and the history and characteristics of the defendant. 18 U.S.C.  § 3553(a)(1). These factors, along with others specified in Section 3553 and any other factors the court deems relevant, must be considered, along with the Guidelines, when determining the appropriate sentence. II. SENTENCING GUIDELINES The Guidelines provide for a base offense level of 30 for this offense, pursuant to U.S.S.G §Ã‚ § 2D1.1(a)(5)(c)(4). Taking into account Mr. Rivera Lemus’s acceptance of responsibility, the total offense level is decreased to 27, pursuant to U.S.S.G §Ã‚ § 3E1.1(a)-(b). Mr. Rivera Lemus’s prior criminal record includes three driving related offenses; driving while impaired and driving on a revoked license; which elevates his Criminal History Category from I to III. Since Mr. Rivera Lemus’s prior criminal record subjects him to a Criminal History Category III, he is ineligible for relief pursuant to the safety value provision of U.S.S.G § 5C1.2. Mr. Rivera Lemus’s calculated Guidelines Range is 87 – 108 months incarceration; however, the statutory minimum is 120 months imprisonment. This statutory minimum represents more than 12 - 33 months over Mr. Rivera Lemus’s Guidelines. III. 18 U.S.C. 3553(A) FACTORS AND CONSIDERATIONS A. The Nature and

Organizational Success Is Increasingly Becoming Dependent...

1.0 Introduction Organizational success is increasingly becoming dependent on an organization’s ability to embrace a diverse workforce (Simmons et al., 2011). There exists more variety in the modern workforce than in previous years (Christian et al., 2006). This is largely due to the demographic factors like immigration and economic factors like globalization (Christian et al., 2006). The increase of globalization requires more interaction among people from different cultures, beliefs and background than ever before (Gupta, 2013). Workforce diversity is widely taken into consideration by many organizations since it is considered to enhance decision-making and create a competitive advantage (Gupta, 2013). Diversity management has therefore†¦show more content†¦There are a number of protected characteristics such as age, disability, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity, race, religion and belief, sex and sexual orientation which are covered by dis crimination law to give people protection against being treated unfairly (CIPD, 2015). In order to critically analyze the approaches to manage equality and diversity, one of these protected characteristics is used as the centre of discussion. ‘Sex’ which is referred to as gender throughout the essay will be discussed. Three organizations will be analyzed in the essay with the aim of critically evaluating how these organizations manage equality and diversity respectively in terms of their policies and practical approaches. The three organizations discussed in this essay are British Transport Police (BTP), PricewaterhouseCoopers UK (Pwc) and Enterprise Rent-A-Car. Acas’ guidelines to managing equality and diversity will be used in analyzing and evaluating the policies of these organizations. 1.2 Essay Structure This essay has been categorized into sub-headings based on the topic areas discussed in the essay. The essay starts by exploring definitions around equality and diversity management. Similarities and differences between the terms ‘equality’ and ‘diversity’ are subsequently discussed. This is

Jacob Riis How The Other Half Lives Essay Assignment Example For Students

Jacob Riis How The Other Half Lives Essay Assignment This book talks about the immigrants in the early 1900s. The book describes how they live their daily lives in New York City. It helped me a lot on Riis photographs and his writings on to better understand the book and the harsh reality this people lived. This comes to show us that life is not that easy and it will cost us work to succeed. Riis talked about all the immigrant major groups that came to the United States during this time period. Riis was a bit prejudice and stereotyped the people he wrote about. For example he talked about he Italians as being gamblers and being slow learners. He criticizes them as being dumb and that is the reason they were cheated on their pay roll. They were told that by coming to America they would get payed well and not be charge rent but they were cheated instead. Immigrant lifestyle was well looked at by Riis. He took at look at all the ways the poor lived in New York from their homes to their back alleys. Brief commentary was written and good photographs were taken. Riis talked about the places they lived in from very poor lighted attics to nothing at all basements. What the author accomplished by putting this book out was to inform the world, in its time period, todays present and absolutely the future. Riis showed us the life this people lived and a time period in America that should never be forgotten. This time in America is what shaped it into what it is today. He took a good look on how this people and pointed it out so the world can see. I have heard of photojournalism but this was the first book I read on it. And it was very well explained everything with its writings and photography was well done. I would compare this book to Newsweek report on the September 11 attacks. Even though they are very different they were both two major events and very well done. How the Other Half Lives blended in the pictures and its text very well and it touched very point of poverty in he 1900s. From the orphans dwellings to a whole family lifestyle from waking up and working twelve hour shifts.Newsweek talked about another huge subject photograph it and wrote about it. The article in this magazine talked about the subject in hand which was terrorism and wrote and photograph the problems around it. Newsweek informed us of who was behind it and how it affected the world and the United States. Similar how Riis did it show how it affected the families. Even though these two articles are very different they showed us the reality we face in the world today. It comes to show that the knowledge is out there its just a matter of time when someone is going be get it and put it out so the world can see. Riis and Newsweek did was to inform us what was going on during that time period.

Introduction Essays (525 words) - Molecular Biology,

Introduction: DNA, Deoxyribonucleic acid, is a double stranded, helical nucleic acid molecule which determines inherited structure of a protein. The"steps" are made of bases: adenine, guanine, cytosine, and thymine. The sides are sugar and phosphate molecules. Restriction enzymes are enzymes that cut DNA at restriction sites, leaving fragments blunt or sticky. The restriction fragments are separated using a technique called gel electrophoresis. DNA has a negative charge so when an electrical charge is applied it makes DNA move to the positive side. DNA is placed in agarose gel. Smaller fragments move faster. The purpose of this lab is to separate DNA fragments using gel electrophoresis. Hind III cuts AAGCTT between the two irst A's. EcoRI cuts at GAATTC between the G and the A. Hind III and EcoRI both make sticky ends. Results: Our results for this lab were EcoRI separated into five fragments. Hind III separated into four fragments. The control only had one fragment. (See chart A and figure 1-1 for distances) Discussion: The purpose of this lab was to see how gel electrophoresis separates DNA fragments. We used Hind III, EcoRI, and a controlled enzyme. Some fragments were hard to see because of smearing. These were the bigger fragments. Loading the DNA was difficult and if you weren't careful you could rupture the wells which ruined the lab. We, fortunately, did not run into this problem. Abstract: The purpose of this lab is to separate DNA fragments with gel electrophoresis using EcoRI and Hind III. Restriction enzymes are used to break up the DNA, then negatively charged DNA is placed in a gel casting tray. Then it is placed into an electrophoresis chamber. An electrical field is placed across the agarose gel which forces the fragments to move down the gel. The amount of lines show how many fragments there is in the DNA. We had five fragments for EcoRI and six for Hind III. The no enzyme had only one fragment. Procedures: We sealed the ends of a gel casting tray with masking tape and inserted a comb into the slots. The tray was filled about 6mm high with agarose gel. It covered half the height of the comb. We waited ten minutes for the gel to solidify. Then we placed the tray in a gel box and made sure that the comb was at a negative (black) end. The box was filled with tris-borate-EDTA buffer so it covered the entire surface of the gel. The combs were removed without ripping the wells. The micro pipet was used to load the lambda EcoRI, lambda Hind III, and lambda only into the wells. We dipped the pipet trough the surface of the buffer over the wells and expelled the contents. The top of the electrophoresis chamber was closed and electrical leads were connected. The dye was observed as it moved shortly after the power supply was turned on. The power supply was turned off after the bands migrated near the end of the gel and the top of the electrophoresis chamber was removed. We removed the gel from the gel casting tray and examined it under a light box and compared it to the ideal gel (figure1-2). Bibliography References: Restriction Enzymes: Cleavage of DNA lab University of Illinois. (1999). Experiment 2 Gel Electrophoresis of DNA. In Molecular Biology Cyberlab, online: Http://www.life.uluc.edu/molbio/geldigest/electro.html

Biography of Peggy Shippen, Socialite and Spy

Biography of Peggy Shippen, Socialite and Spy Peggy Arnold (born Margaret Shippen; July 11, 1760–August 24, 1804) was a Philadelphia socialite during the American Revolution. She was part of a notoriously Loyalist family and social circle, but she became infamous for her role in the treason of her husband, General Benedict Arnold. Fast Facts: Peggy Shippen Known For:  Socialite and spy who helped her husband, General Benedict Arnold, commit treasonBorn:  July 11, 1760 in Philadelphia, PennsylvaniaDied:  August 24, 1804 in London, EnglandSpouse:  General Benedict Arnold (m. 1779-1801)Children:  Edward Shippen Arnold, James Arnold, Sophia Matilda Arnold, George Arnold, William Fitch Arnold Pre-Revolution Childhood The Shippen family was one of the wealthiest and most prominent families in Philadelphia. Peggys father, Edward Shippen IV, was a judge, and although he tried to keep his political views as private as possible, he was generally counted as a â€Å"Tory† or â€Å"Loyalist† to the British colonials, not an ally of the would-be revolutionaries. Peggy was the Shippens’ fourth daughter, born after three successive older sisters (Elizabeth, Sarah, and Mary) and a brother, Edward. Because she was the youngest of the family, Peggy was generally considered the favorite and was particularly doted upon by her parents and others. As a child, she was educated like most girls of her social class: basic school subjects, as well as accomplishments considered suitable for a wealthy young lady, such as music, embroidery, dancing, and sketching. Unlike some of her contemporaries, however, Peggy displayed a particular interest in politics from a young age. She learned about political and financial matters from her father. As she grew older, she gained an understanding of these topics as they related to the Revolution; she had hardly known a time when the colonies were not at war, since the war began when she was only five years old. A Tory Belle Despite her genuine interest in politics, Peggy was still a young woman concerned with social events, and she tended to move mostly in Loyalist circles. By 1777, when Peggy was seventeen, Philadelphia was under the control of the British, and the Shippen home was central to many social events involving the British officers and Loyalist families. Among these guests was a significant figure: Major John Andre. At the time, Andre was an up-and-coming figure in the British forces, under the command of General William Howe. He and Peggy met often in social settings and were believed to be particularly close. The pair definitely shared a flirtation, and it’s fairly likely that their relationship bloomed into a full-fledged romance. When the British abandoned their stronghold in Philadelphia upon news of French aid coming to the rebels, Andre left with the rest of his troops, but Peggy kept up a correspondence with him in subsequent months and years. The city was placed under the command of Benedict Arnold in the summer of 1778. It was at this point that Peggy’s personal politics began to change, at least outwardly. Despite her father still being a staunch Tory, Peggy began to grow close to General Arnold. Their differences in political background were not the only gap between them: Arnold was 36 to Peggy’s 18. Despite this, Arnold sought the consent of Judge Shippen to propose to Peggy, and although the judge was mistrusting, he ultimately gave his consent. Peggy wed Arnold on April 8, 1779. Life as Mrs. Arnold Arnold purchased Mount Pleasant, a mansion just outside the city, and planned to renovate it for his family. They did not end up living there, however; it became a rental property instead. Peggy found herself with a husband who was not necessarily as much in favor as he once had been. Arnold had been profiting off of his command in Philadelphia, and upon being caught in 1779, he was found guilty of a few minor corruption charges and was reprimanded by George Washington himself. At this point, Peggy’s favoring of the British began to re-emerge. With her husband furious at his countrymen and their social circle increasingly including those with British sympathies, the opportunity arose to switch sides. Peggy had kept in touch with her old flame Andre, now a major and the spy chief for British General Sir Henry Clinton. Historians are divided as to who was the original instigator of communications between Andre and Arnold: while some point to Peggy’s close relationship with Andre, others suspect Jonathan Odell or Joseph Stanbury, both Loyalists affiliated with the Arnolds. Regardless of who started it, the undisputed fact is that Arnold began communications with the British in May 1779, sharing information on troop locations, supply lines, and other vital military intelligence. Espionage and Aftermath Peggy did play some part in these exchanges: she facilitated some of the communications, and some of the surviving letters include portions written in her handwriting, with her husband’s messages on the same sheet, written in invisible ink. In 1792, it would be revealed that Peggy was paid  £350 for handling some messages. Around this time, however, Peggy became pregnant, and she gave birth to a son, Edward, in March 1780. The family moved to a home near West Point, the crucial military post where Arnold had gained command- and where he was slowly weakening defenses in order to make it easy to hand over to the British. In September 1780, the plot fell apart. On September 21, Andre and Arnold met so that Arnold could hand over significant documents related to the West Point plot. As Andre attempted to return to British territory, however, he was persuaded by his go-between that it would be safer to ride in plain clothes; as a result, he was captured on September 23 and deemed a spy instead of an enemy officer. Arnold fled on September 25, leaving Peggy and their son behind. George Washington and his aides, including Alexander Hamilton, were scheduled to have a breakfast with the Arnolds that morning, and they discovered his treason as they arrived to find Peggy alone. Peggy became hysterical upon â€Å"discovering† her husband’s treason, which may have helped buy Arnold time to escape. She returned to her family in Philadelphia and feigned ignorance until a letter between Andre and Peggy was discovered, upon which she was sent to British-occupied New York with her husband, where their second son, James, was born. Andre was executed as a spy. Post-Revolution Life and Legacy The Arnolds fled to London in December 1781, and Peggy was presented at the royal court in February 1782. It was here that she was paid for her services in the war – an annual pension for her children, plus  £350 on the orders of King George III himself. The Arnolds had two more children – a son and a daughter – but both died in infancy in London. Arnold returned to North America in 1784 for a business opportunity in Canada. While he was there, Peggy gave birth to their daughter Sophia, and Arnold may have had an illegitimate son in Canada. She joined him there in 1787, and they had two more children. In 1789, Peggy visited family in Philadelphia, and she was made very unwelcome in the city. By the time the Arnolds left Canada to return to England in 1791, they were unwelcome in Canada, too, where mobs met them with protests as they departed. Arnold died in 1801, and Peggy auctioned off much of their property to cover his debts. She died in London of 1804, possibly from cancer. Although history remembers her husband as the ultimate traitor, historians have also come to conclude that Peggy played a role in that treason. Her legacy is a mysterious one, with some believing she was just a British sympathizer and others believing she orchestrated the whole betrayal (Aaron Burr and his wife, Theodosia Prevost Burr, were among the sources of the latter belief). Either way, Peggy Shippen Arnold went down in history as party to one of the most infamous actions in American history. Sources Brandt, Clare The Man in the Mirror: A Life of Benedict Arnold. Random House, 1994.Cooney, Victoria. Love and the Revolution. Humanities, vol. 34, no. 5, 2013.Stuart, Nancy. Defiant Brides: The Untold Story of Two Revolutionary-Era Women And the Radical Men They Married. Boston, Beacon Press, 2013.

Job Profile - Human Resources Managers

Job Profile - Human Resources Managers What Is a Human Resources Manager? A human resources manager, or HR manager, is in charge of overseeing the human capital, or employees, of an organization. They often help to staff an organization by recruiting employees, conducting hiring interviews, and selecting new employees. Once staff is hired, the human resources manager may oversee employee training, employee benefits programs (such as insurance programs), and disciplinary proceedings.   Human Resources Management Job Titles Some human resources managers are just called human resources managers, but others may have more specialized titles. Some of the most common job titles associated with the human resources management field include:   Affirmative Action SpecialistBenefits ManagerCompensation ManagerEmployee Relations representativeEmployee Welfare ManagerGovernment Personnel SpecialistJob AnalystLabor Relations ManagerPersonnel ManagerTraining Manager Required Education for Human Resources Managers Most human resources managers have some sort of formal education. The minimum requirement is typically a bachelors degree in business, management, human resources or a related field. However, it is not uncommon for human resources to have a more advanced degree, such as a Master of Business Administration (MBA) or a specialized masters degree, such as a Master in Human Resources Management. While enrolled in a human resources degree  program, students will usually take core business courses in management, accounting, and finance as well as more specialized courses that teach them about labor relations, workplace psychology, benefits management, business ethics, and business law. Student who want to work for a company with a global business presence should also take courses in international business.   In addition to classes, aspiring human resources managers should also seek out other opportunities while they are enrolled in a college, university or business school program. Networking is important in this field. Meeting people will make it easier to get a job after graduation and may even help you to fill positions once you do start working for a company. Participating in internships and experiential learning experiences can also give you valuable hands-on skills that will prepare you for your career and possibly give you an edge over other applicants when you enter the workforce after graduation.   Salaries for Human Resources Managers Human resources management is a lucrative career path for business majors. According to numbers published by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, human resources managers make a median annual salary of more than $100,000 per year. The highest paid HR managers earn almost $200,000 per year.   Job Outlook for Human Resources Managers Growth  in the human resources field  is expected to be better than average in the coming years, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Opportunities are expected to be best for individuals with a masters degree in human resources or a related area.

Globalization Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Globalization - Case Study Example Many things have conspired to make this trend a reality, primary of which is the constant push for globalization from liberal political theories that a â€Å"rising tide lifts all boats† as famously uttered by former president John F. Kennedy in one of his speeches. Another is rapid technology, especially in the areas of information and communications technologies (ICT) in which both geographic distance and time zone differentials had been shortened or compressed, in what is now called as a â€Å"flat world† where people produce goods and services continuously on a twenty-four hour basis. A very frequent theme of globalization critics is the concept of a â€Å"race to the bottom† in which manufacturers try to get the cheapest products made abroad at the lowest labor costs possible. These issues are the main concerns in this management case study regarding bicycle manufacturing. Discussion Super Sized Cycles is a little niche maker of custom-built bicycles intende d for big (obese or fat) people who are too big or heavy for ordinary and conventional bicycles. It is owned by Ms. Denizot and is in existence for barely five years already and operates out of the Burlington city in Vermont State in the United States of America. Her bikes are certainly not cheap, as these costs range from $699 up to $3,395 in price but these are built sturdier to carry overweight people and not collapse under a heavy load; the wheels, tires, seats, and steel frames are built much stronger than ordinary bikes. Sales last year was around $104,000 only. Mission Statement – Big Bikes for Big People at an affordable price of high quality Target Market – the obvious target market for this small niche-market manufacturer of big bikes are people who are obese or overweight which ordinary bicycles cannot carry as their big weight cause these ordinary bikes to either collapse or suffer a flat tire. There is now a sizable number of people who belong to this cate gory of overweight people as there is an on-going obesity epidemic in the United States of America due to changing lifestyle patterns, primarily the lack of any adequate physical exercise to burn off excess calories and the habits of many people to consume a lot of junk foods such as fast-food which are low in nutrients but high in bad cholesterol. In fact, this obesity epidemic is now so bad it is estimated that one out of every three adult Americans is considered overweight based on the body mass index or BMI which is the easiest way to measure if a person is obese or not (The Economist para. 3). Even children today are also markedly obese compared to kids two or three decades ago. Economists have considered imposing a so-called â€Å"fat tax† to discourage the people from eating too much junk food these days. However, there is another more positive approach to changing people behaviors through an activist approach which is to encourage obese people to be more physically ac tive through exercise. One of the healthier and more fun ways to do so is through biking and Super Sized Cycles has wonderfully found this viable alternative by offering to overweight people the chance to own a bike that is suitable for their size. There is a clear customer need for big bikes for big people who often cannot find the right bike. A generic business-level strategy for this small company for big bikers is to market exclusively to people who are considered obese based on their individual BMI. This is a type of focused strategy which means the company should sell big bikes only and nothing else that will dilute its strategy and make it lose its marketing focus. Examples are the two models that the owner had developed by herself (named as â€Å"

Napoleon Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Napoleon - Essay Example For example, in military affairs, he managed military inventions, which were necessary for the French revolution. This included the use of mass conscription enabling the use of block tactics to enhance attacks in columns. This also helped in the elimination of supply lines enabling the French armies to be mobile (Lyons, 25). History depicts that, before the reign of napoleon, France had undergone revolutionary turmoil for over a decade. Causing instability in the government and increasing incidents of corruption. It is evident that during this period church policies were rare because they triggered inflation. The citizens of France were tired of the situation, and they desired for a stable government that would ensure the stability of their lives. These changes were brought about by napoleons reign because it is his military innovations that helped the French in to secure their government. The success of the military forces established by napoleon helped him to consolidate and hold o n to power. This led to his declaration as the French emperor in the year 1804 (Lyons, 33). Politically it is evident that Napoleon was an active administrator. History depicts that the internal reforms that were put in place by Napoleon helped France in consolidating some achievements during the French revolution, enhancing the suppression of others. ... The political impact during his reign in France is also depicted from his introduction of equality as one of the essential factors in politics. This is because he thought that by introducing the concept, he would have stayed in his position with little threat. This changed the political situation in France because all men were considered equal under his power. Some of his main accomplishments in ensuring equality in the political system are evident from the establishment of Napoleonic civil codes. This made all the men equal, however; the law despised the women because the men maintained their legal powers over the women. This had an impact on the political structure of France because the hopes that the women had towards the revolution as an improvement of their legal positions were frustrated by Napoleon (Lyons, 55). Napoleon is also seen to have made a contribution to the political structure of the French government through his introduction of nationalism. History depicts that he i s one of the French leaders, who believed in nationalism as a tool that would help him obtain the loyalty of the French people during his reign. It is evident that it is this spirit of nationalism that enhanced the inspiration of the armies of the French government enabling the government to attain a remarkable series of victories. These were of enormous benefit to him as he obtained a chance to rise to power. However, this interfered with the political structure of France as it was thought to be a trick that was used, by the leader, to establish a personality cult making the French people identify him with France. This meant that by the citizens being loyal to their country France they were also being loyal to him. It is evident that

Why did the reds win the Civil War Essay Example for Free

Why did the reds win the Civil War Essay The Reds won the Civil War for many reasons, but some are specifically more important than others. Some factors such as†¦ Geographical advantage   Strong leadership Unity and organisation   Support Paragraph 1 (Short) (6 mins) The geographical advantage of the Reds helped them with the Civil war because it provided them with military benefits that the Whites did not have. Geographical Factors   Reds: Held central area of Western Russia – Moscow + Petrograd = population for conscription   Whites: Scattered amongst Russia. Reds: Controlled large industrial centers produce war supplies deliver them efficiently amongst soldiers Whites: Communication difficult, hundreds of miles separated different armies – created disunity   How did this help them win? Because they had abundant resources while the Whites did not†¦ Paragraph 2 (Short) (6mins) The Reds won the Civil war partly because of their enemy’s disunity and lack of organisation. The Reds could therefore exploit the White’s major weaknesses in order to secure a victory. Unity + Organisation   Whites: Some members were liberal and just satisfied with the returning of the Provisional government   Whites: The generals distrusted each other Didn’t communicate with each other about attacks bases already far apart Reds: Conscription was introduced and Trotsky hand picked loyal soldiers army increased from 100,000 to 500,000 by August 1918   Reds: January 1920 5 million men enlisted former Tsarist officers held with blackmail   The result? The Campaigns of Kolchak and Deniken contributed to the Red’s victory (lack of troops, unorganised) Production of weapons war communism Paragraph 3 (6 mins) Without a clear sense of direction and leadership the Reds would have had difficulty in their success. Lenin and Trotsky were robust leaders who led the Red’s to their victory. Leadership   Trotsky traveled 65,000 miles throughout Russia assisting front line to encourage Red soldiers.   Lenin clear and structured leadership Whites: Had multiple leaders who set bad examples by drinking. Whites: Aided landlords to gain lost land (lost support from peasants)   Whites: Once peasants conscripted   Brutal discipline = want democracy more   The result? : Better army and more support = victory Paragraph 4 (6mins) Another factor that meant the Reds won the Civil war was because of the amount support they gained in Russia. Support   Reds: gained support through repression and reform Repression: Cheka, grain requisitioning,   Reform: Propaganda, VIK peasant representation of villages in dealings with central government. Briefly mention former Tsarist commanders (blackmail)   Whites: Had foreign aid from France, Japan and USA. Was half hearted and some troops sympathised with Reds. Whites: Peasant soldiers often switched sides, as they were not happy with White’s declaration of returning land back to landlords.   The result? : Had committed troops who fought for them, ensuing in a better army. Conclusion (10) To conclude, I think the main reason as to why the Reds won the Civil war was because of their enemy’s disunity and their lack of support. The White’s became infamous for their terror they brought. Estimated 100,000 – 150,000 Jews in Ukraine and southern Russia were killed in pogroms.   Result? Loss of support   Reds managed to gain 48,000-experienced Tsarist officers   Compare with Whites and their unorganised efforts Effect of good army?   Reds: Ensure loyalty of officers and men, political commissars attached to provide ‘political education’. Whites? Less loyalty   Disunity?   Campaign example Why did the Reds win the Civil War in 1920 Essay Plan.

Stalins Rise To Power Essay -- essays research papers

Question: How far did Stalin achieve and maintain what Kruchev described as â€Å"the accumulation of immense and limitless power†, in the USSR between 1924 and 1945? Between 1924 and 1945, Joseph Stalin was able to emerge as the leader of the USSR and maintain what Kruchev described as â€Å"the accumulation of immense and limitless power†. Stalin's rise to power was a combination of his ability to manipulate situations and the failure of others to prevent him from taking power, especially Leon Trotsky. Stalin ruled the USSR from 1929 until his death in 1953. His rule was one of tyranny, a great change from the society that his predecessor, Lenin, had envisioned. During his time of reign, Stalin put into effect two self-proclaimed "five-year plans". Both were very similar in that they were intended to improve production in the nation. The first of these plans began collectivization, in which harvests and industrial products were seized by the government and distributed as needed. The government eliminated most private businesses and the state became the leader in commerce. By these, and many more ideas, Stalin was able to collect limitless and immense power with no one to stop him. In 1925, according to historian V. Serge1, LeonTrotsky did not take advantage of several opportunities, which would have helped him to crush Stalin politically. When he failed to take advantage of these opportunities, Stalin maneuvered himself into a stronger position within the party by allying with Zinoviev and Kamnev. He manipulated them into crushing Trotsky, thus eliminating the strongest opponent in his path to power. Stalin cleverly avoided potential political diminishment when Lenin formulated his Testament in December 1922. Lenin's Testament2 described what he thought of the future of the Party and Party leaders, especially Trotsky and Stalin. Lenin warned the people of a potential split in which Stalin and Trotsky would be the head factors. When describing Stalin, Lenin felt that he had showed "†¦unlimited authority†¦ in his hands and whether he will always be capable of using that authority with sufficient caution." The content of Lenin's Testament eventually became more damaging to Trotsky than Stalin, allowing Stalin to accumulate even more power. Together with Lenin unintentionally praising Stalin, Stalin manipulated the content of the Testament to enhance... ...e 1930s. He decided and persuaded the people that the former leaders and allies, such as Kamenev and Zenoviev, were plotting against the Party with Trotsky. The purpose of the purges, according to N. Mandelstam4, was not to secure power Stalin’s position, but to intimidate the nation. So, all opponents were imprisoned. In January 1937, several other prominent Bolshevik leaders were trailed for treason and executed. The climax of Stalin’s purges came in March 1938 when 21 leading Bolsheviks, including Bukharin, Rykov and Yagoda were similarly accused and killed. This demonstrates Stalin’s immense power, for he could simply eliminate anyone standing in his way! Between 1924 and 1945, Stalin proved that he could, â€Å"accumulate immense and limitless power† in the USSR, mainly because everyone was either scared or inspired by him. Many of the poor peasants thought that he could give them what the wanted. Many of the kulaks were afraid to face Joseph and those who did were imprisoned. Even the Party members who did not give Stalin his way were eliminated. Because of his immeasurable amount of power and strength over the nation, Joseph Stalin would not be opposed by anyone until his death!

Chinese Literature Essay

The first short story under consideration is â€Å"Iron Child† by Mo Yan. The piece of literature deals with industrialization of China, which aimed at establishing the socialist model of political system of this country in the beginning of the second half of the twentieth century. The outcomes of the political transformation of China, particularly, child labor, are described in the story. The story â€Å"Iron Child† is narrated by a five-year-old boy (Yan n.pag.). Another short story under analysis is â€Å"Dogshit Food† by Liu Heng. The events of this story take place in the period of the so-called Great Leap Forward (1958). â€Å"Dogshit Food† deals predominantly with the issues of social life in China and political transformation after the World War II. The author emphasizes the human perception of beauty and ethical aspect of interpersonal relations. The story is being delivered in the third person singular, which indicates author’s narrative. The protagonist of the novel is Yang Tiankuan (Heng n.pag.). In spite of thematic diversity and differences in the formal realization of subject matter in both short-stories, â€Å"Dogshit Food† by Liu Heng and â€Å"Iron Child† by Mo Yan, they have a wide range of similarities. In his short story â€Å"Iron Child†, Mo Yan deals with the issues of industrialization of China establishing the socialist model of political system. The writer also reflects upon the most acute and burning social issues, particularly, child labor. It should be mentioned that Mo Yan creates the reality in which children appeared to be the most vulnerable in  the face of decisions and choices of adults. The general tone of the novel is gloomy. The pace of revolving the plot is predominantly moderate, gravitating towards acceleration. The surrealist vision gives this short story the flavor of reminiscence, since the author, apparently, is recalling and reconsidering his childhood. The aspect of the surrealist vision is embodied in the Iron Child who is the protagonist’s friend. Iron Child is endowed with extraordinary abilities of consuming iron (Yan n.pag.). On the other hand, â€Å"Dogshit Food† by Liu Heng, above all, accentuates the inter-personal relations between Yang Tiankuan and his wife and Yang Tiankuan and the rest of community inhabiting the Flood Water Valley. According to the short story, the negative effect of reformatting the agriculture and economy of China is related to the issue of malnutrition. Apparently, the author is drawing a parallel between the affliction and the person’s character. The conflict between the appearance, the outer surface, and person’s inner world is revealed through the lens of Yang Tiankuan’s wife. Namely, the author analyzes the way she treats Yang Tiankuan and others and, consequently, the way she perceives the world (Heng n.pag.). Therefore, the issues dealt in both novels are social life in China in the age of the Great Leap Forward, childhood and the status of children in Chinese society, interpersonal relations, human perception, and understanding the beauty. The essence of social issues and their outcomes and, as a result, the cause-effect relations dealt with in both short stories constitute the commonness between these particular pieces of literature. Another important observation to be made concerns the aspect of distinctiveness and autonomy of Chinese literature in general and Chinese prose of the twentieth century in particular. The phenomenon of distinctiveness and autonomy of Chinese literature was predetermined by the geographical position of China as well as scientific, cultural, and political separateness of this region from the rest of the world. Coalescence, i.e. loss of individuality, of the Chinese historic-cultural frontier in Asia represented itself as a notable fact common to the second half of the twentieth century. Mo Yan and Liu Heng’s positions supported Chinese identity in the context of culture by all means. Considering the current situation, it is important to admit the process of introducing the realities of the Western world to East and China in particular. They were assimilated into Eastern ground. Mo Yan and Liu Heng’s short stories were called, above all, to communicate the idea of cultural identity to the audience across the world. In other words, these particular pieces of literature have no target audience. In its turn, the absence of target audiences indicates both self-sufficiency and self-sustainment of art in general and literature in particular. Self-sufficiency and self-sustainment are the markers of the postmodern art, philosophy and the concept of world. However, social determination of both pieces of art is obvious as far as their subject matter is concerned. In my considered opinion, the issues of identity, assimilation and social determination presented in both â€Å"Dogshit Food† by Liu Heng and Mo Yan’s â€Å"Iron Child† are important in terms of investigating and analyzing. Works Cited Heng, Liu. â€Å"Dogshit Food.† _Fiction Since 1976._ Trans. Deride Sabina Knight. N.p., n.d. 366 – 378. Print. Yan, Mo. â€Å"Iron Child.† _Fiction Since 1976._ Trans. Howad Goldblatt. N.p., n.d. 367 – 387. Print.

History of Chines Opera and its effect on World Music Essay

The search for creativity and originality is deeply rooted in human nature such that it represents an inescapable and defining requirement of the human being. Since in man’s creative restlessness beats and pulsates what is most deeply human- the search for knowledge. A major issue in the history of china is its opera Extolling the great the importance of opera, it could be said that the Chinese by nature desire opera. Thus, making opera their delight and links it with their quest for survival. Opera can therefore be said to be ontological to them or the existentialist parlance, it is part of their existentiality since man for them is condemned to creative works and performance. To Elucidate more on the History of Chinese opera and its effect on world music is why I considered the topic â€Å"An analytical exposition on the history of Chinese opera and its effect on world music† very pertinent as an effort in enriching our human culture and our existence. My goal in this study is not to probe into the nature of Chinese opera but, to evolve and analytical exposition on its history and how it has imparted an effect on world music. The Concept of Opera: An opera is a staged dramatic work that is entirely sung. However, there are many exceptions to this rule. There are operas in which the actors sing in between spoken dialogue, and others that are semi-staged. Some operas are constructed with action scenes called recitative. Personal commentary or scenes involving inner thoughts and emotions are called arias. An aria is a song in which a character may share his or her feelings with the audience and fellow characters. Occasionally this is done in an ensemble with two or more singers and then the aria becomes a duet, trio, quartet, etc. epending on the number of singers involved. Composers used recitative to advance the story while arias, duets, trios, and quartets often were comments on the action. In most modern opera, composers no longer use the structure of recitative and aria, but blend the two styles together to create a more realistic picture of continuous drama. Characters in opera are developed by the composer and given certain voices to best illustrate their personality and role. Opera is thought to be the single greatest art form because it combines many artistic disciplines into one. The Nature of Chinese Opera; a Historical Survey: Chinese traditional opera is a comprehensive performing art which combines singing, music, dialogue, acrobatics, martial arts, and pantomime. It represents the culmination and distillation of two thousand years of Chinese civilization. A traditional form of stage entertainment, weaving together elements of mime, dance, song, dialogue, swordplay, and acrobatics into one fluid continuous flow. Gestures, movements and expressions incorporated within each performer’s script come together to bring forth an impressive performance. In contrast to Western stage entertainment, which is subdivided into different categories such as opera, drama and sketches, Chinese opera has remained faithful to its original format over the centuries. By doing away with three-dimensional stage props and complicated backdrops found in Western opera, Chinese opera conveys the idea of time and space to the audience through the acting of performers. This simple and flexible technique is called â€Å"imagined time and space† in Chinese operatic terminology. The acting, however, is not mere imitation of movements in daily life. Instead, it has been perfected to bring out just their essentials, making them highly-stylize and rhythmic dancing movements. Such acting is described in Chinese stage language as â€Å"stylized formula†. In addition, Chinese opera has specific costumes, facial make-ups, musical motifs and recitations to represent each character in the series of characters known as Xingtous. All this, plus imagined time and space and stylized acting, has enabled the story to rise above real life and create a strong dramatic atmosphere with distinct operatic effects. The history of Chinese opera dates as far back as the third century, simple plays were performed as part of court entertainment. In the twelfth century, during the Southern Song Dynasty (1271-1368). The Yuan zaju is a landmark in the development of traditional drama. It took social life as its main subject matter and was very popular at that time. Guan Hanqing is considered the greatest Yuan dramatist. One of his plays, The Wrongs Suffered by Dou E, is still appreciated by today’s audiences. In the later years of the Yuan Dynasty, Yuan zaju was gradually replaced by nanxi, a kind of southern opera. By the middle Ming Dynasty, a combination of Yuan zaju and nanxi, known as poetic drama, appeared. The Romance of drama, was written by Tang Xianzu who is considered the â€Å"Chinese Shakespeare During the late Qing Dynasty, a new type of traditional drama-Beijing Opera-came into being. In 1790, some troupes of Auhui Opera went to the Imperial Palace in Beijing to offer birthday congratulations to the emperor and other members of the royal family. They remained in Beijing and performed for the ordinary citizens. Because of their efforts to learn artistic techniques from other local operas and to the taste of the Based on Anhui Opera, Beijing Opera, Beijing Opera took shape as an independent opera form between 1840 and 1860. Having incorporated the merits of many other local dramas, Beijing Opera not only appeals to Chinese audiences but is warmly received by people all over the world. In the course of the development of the development of Chinese traditional opera, mutual borrowing has taken place among various types of local opera and new forms throughout have appeared continually. Recent surveys show there are 368 different forms of opera the country. Each variety takes its name from the place where it originated and is popular. The use of local dialects and unique melodies distinguish the different types of opera. Among the best known forms are Beijing Opera (actually a national form), Pingju (popular in the north), Shaoxing opera (popular in Zhejing Province and Shanghai), Yuju (a kind of Henan Opera), Kunqu (Kunshan Opera, popular mainly in Jiangsu Province), Qinqiang (Shaanxi Opera), Chuanju (Sichuan Opera), Hanju (Hubei Opera), and Yueju (Guangzhou Opera). Features of Chinese Opera and World Music;   A Synthesis:  China is the home of one of the oldest civilizations in the world, and is also home to the earliest musical scale in recorded human history. For ages, Chinese music has been seeking a type of spiritual release, a doorway to vitality. It is like looking for spirituality with a unique dignity of its own. Now, we are starting to see the religious sounds heard from the pious and faithful people throughout Tibet slowly being infused into the beautiful music we hear everyday, bringing us a quiet, serene peace of mind, as it does not strive to be real in its physical presentation, since it is more to instruct than to amuse.

WAGNERS THOUGHTS ON CHRISTIANITY AND ANTI-SEMITISM

WAGNERS THOUGHTS ON CHRISTIANITY AND ANTI-SEMITISM II. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES 4-5 V. SPIRITUAL The thoughts and ideas of Richard Wagner, in relation to anti-Semitism and Christianity, are linked not only to the social atmosphere he grew up in, but also to the writers and dramatists of that era whose works influenced and inspired many of his own. Although there are some conflicting statements written by him on these two subjects, the overall messages are of similar content. These statements are found in his racial and religious essays, scattered throughout many of his other writings and are present in some of his musical works as well. Wagner was apparently familiar with the old and new testaments of the Bible, could quote the Talmud, and was able to discuss religions such as Buddhism and Confucianism. This lent credibility to his outspoken opinions on the importance of language, Volk, and Kultur in German society. However, it is thought that the only person to have believed all of these theories was Wagner himself. Most of the people who supported him were not aware! of every idea that made up Wagnerian thinking, in particular, his views on anti-Christianity and anti-Semitism. Most people only agreed with one or two of Wagners ideas, but what made his opinions so interesting was that everyone could find at least one thing that they could agreed with, no matter how misplaced the sentiment was. For example, many Protestants willingly accepted his views on anti-Catholicism, without recognizing the anti-Christian values he also had; and the state of the people in Germany at the time could not help but avidly support his patriotic fervour, although it was closely connected with racial and cultural biasness in his anti-Semitic beliefs. During the 19th and 20th centuries Germany was seen by many as being one of the most cultu...

Past Perfect and Past Perfect Continuous for ESL

Past Perfect and Past Perfect Continuous for ESL The two most advanced tenses in the past are the past perfect and past perfect continuous. There are slight differences between these two tenses, but both are used to speak about actions that occur before another point in time in the past. Intermediate level English learners  can study the basic structures below, and then use the activities provided below. Teachers can print out and use materials in-class to help students acquire these two complicated tenses. There are also a number of lessons referenced below that focus on comprehension materials for both of these tenses. Finally, teachers can get ideas and tips from these guides to teaching the past perfect and past perfect continuous. Past Perfect There are two past tenses used to describe things that happen before another point in time in the past. Use the past perfect to talk about an event which had happened at some point in time before something took place. Tom had interviewed five times before he got his first job.She had already eaten by the time they arrived. Past Perfect Continuous The past perfect continuous is used to express how long something had been going on before something important happened in the past. Jane had been studying for four hours when he came home.Jack had been driving four over six hours when he finally pulled over to have lunch. Past Perfect Structure Positive Subject had past participle I, You, He, She, We, They had finished before I arrived. Negative Subject had not (hadnt) past participle I, You, He, She, We, They hadnt eaten before he finished the job. Questions Question word had subject past participle What - had he, she, you, we, they thought before I asked the question? Past Perfect Continuous Structure Positive Subject had been verb ing I, You, He, She, We, They had been working for two hours when she telephoned. Negative Subject had not (hadnt) been verb ing I, You, He, She, We, They hadnt been paying attention for long when he asked the question. Questions Question word (often How long) had been subject verb ing How long - had he, she, you, we, they been working before he arrived? Study the Past Perfect and Past Perfect Continuous in Depth Here are detailed guides to the past perfect and the past perfect continuous tenses. Each guide provides situations, common time expressions used with the tense, as well as examples. This guide is for choosing between using simple perfect forms or continuous perfect forms (present perfect, past perfect, future perfect vs present perfect continuous, past perfect continuous, future perfect continuous) is perfect for advanced level students looking to understand the fine points of these tenses. The past unreal (3rd) conditional also uses the past perfect form. Test Your Knowledge of Past Perfect and Past Perfect Continuous Once youve studied the rules - or if you already know the rules - test your knowledge with a past forms review or conditional forms quiz. Teach a Lesson about the Past Simple and Past Continuous Here are lessons on the site which have elements of the lesson which focus on the past perfect simple or past perfect continuous and their use with other tenses. Tense Identification Review - Integration Lesson for Upper-Level Students​A Difficult Situation - Using Modal Verbs of Probability in the PastMultinationals - Help or Hindrance? - use of past perfect/continuous to in debate lessons to provide contextGuilty! - communication lesson using a variety of past tensesSentence Auctions - students try to decide whether a sentence is a genuine masterpiece worth buying, includes examples of past perfect. Activities with the Past Perfect Simple and Past Perfect Continuous Some activities that will help you practice: Waiting for a Friend - Advanced past and future forms (future continuous, 3rd conditional, etc.)English Tenses Timeline Chart - study how the past perfect and past perfect continuous relate to other tenses on a timeline.

Political Development of Western Europe Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Political Development of Western Europe - Essay Example From the revolution time to the period during the Franco-Prussian war, France had experienced different dictators led by the famous Napoleon and minimal political advancement was made until the emergence of a democracy in the late 19th century (Lecture 2). Germany’s democratization process was even slower in its own unique way because of issues to do with unification of the country in different aspects (Ertman 224). Germany was reunited as a nation in the 19th century coming from disintegration in the period before but even with its unification, its constitution and rule were solely an imagination of the princes and not with the involvement of the people as was the case with other advanced nations like England and the United States. By the end of 19th century, Germany could be said to have achieved a social democracy with dominion of power of the people through labor unions. Britain on the other hand has been on monarchy system of government for the longest time in the 19th ce ntury. Some aspects of democratic governance during this period may be inferred from Britain’s government institutional set up where crucial bodies such as the judiciary, local government and parliament were in place though working under the monarchy administration (Ertman 156). Additionally, an electoral system which could be termed as free and fair existed with desirable frequency of election activities though characterized by discriminative participation only allowing the rich and mighty at the expense of the poor and the common people. Even with successive legislation passed and efforts by the civil society forming social movements such as the... This paper stresses that democracy has been described variously but it basically means the form of political system that is guided by the power of the people. Although Europe was and still is one of the civilized regions of the world in the 19th century, the process of democratization in virtually all countries was complex and challenging and took different dimensions depending on country’s historical orientation politically, economically, and socially. During the period, Britain’s governance system was nearer that of a democracy compared to some other select countries like France and Germany. This report makes a conclusion that countries that encourage democratization must embrace the power of the electorate to influence political and governance decisions through majority rule and guided by the constitution and rule of the law, with eligible citizens given the opportunity to elect their representatives and run for public offices. There should be freedom of expression and worship, promotion of right for access to information, and opportunity to frequently change governments fairly and equitably through periodic elections. Even more, the rule of law as guided by the constitution must be observed and respected to avert inequalities and promote fair treatment for all. The promotion of individual freedom and dignity through human rights is fundamental in any democratic society where laws are set in line with the constitution to ensure that the rights of citizens are observed and respected. Democratic countries usually set up governance institutions to support and oversee effec tive adherence to these democratic principles.

OSHA Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

OSHA - Case Study Example Highest Priority Standards 1. Division D Manufacturing, 3537 Industrial Trucks, Tractors, Trailers, and Stackers. This standard applies because the company uses lift trucks and similar equipment. 2. Division D Manufacturing, 2865 Cyclic Organic Crudes and Intermediates, and Organic Dyes and Pigments. This standard applies because of the use of paint and other chemicals. 3. Division D Manufacturing, 3563 Air and Gas Compressors. This standard applies because of the use of painting equipment and compressors. 4. Division D Manufacturing, 3541 Machine Tools, Metal Cutting Types. This is necessary because of the materials that are cut. 5. Division D Manufacturing, 3542 Machine Tools, Metal Forming Types. This is necessary because the materials are sheared. 6. Division D Manufacturing, 3547 Rolling Mill Machinery and Equipment. This standard is necessary because a mill is used. 7. Division D Manufacturing, 3546 Power Driven Hand Tools. This Standard is necessary because of the use of offha nd grinders. 8. Division D Manufacturing, 3548 Electric and Gas Welding and Soldering Equipment. This standard is necessary because of the handling and use of welding machines. 9. Division D Manufacturing, 3412Metal Shipping Barrels, Drums, Kegs, and Pails. This standard is important because of the types of items processed. 10. Division E 4783 Packing and Crating. This standard is necessary because of the packaging and shipping of finished products. 11. Division D Manufacturing 3444 Sheet Metal Work. This standard is necessary because sheet metal is handled and used in the establishment. 12. Division D Manufacturing 3441 Fabricated Structural Metal. This standard applies because metal racks are made. 13. Division D Manufacturing 3356 Rolling, Drawing, and Extruding of Nonferrous Metals, Except Copper and Aluminum. This standard applies because cold and hot rolled rods are used. 14. Division D Manufacturing 2655 Fiber Cans, Tubes, Drums, and Similar Products. This is a necessary stan dard because the movement of drums is performed. 15. Division D Manufacturing 3531 Construction Machinery and equipment. This standard is important because an overhead crane is used. Question 2) Name four important written programs this company is required to have (keep in mind that not all standards (e.g. 1910.95 Industrial Noise) require that you develop a written program or SOP of some sort, though many companies develop such SOPs regardless). Explain why you believe they are required to have these written programs. Answer – Many companies are required to have written programs. Bubba’s should have a written fire escape and prevention procedure. This is necessary because the use of welders and chemicals in the same building pose a huge fire hazard. Another written program should list employee uniform requirements. Proper footwear, gloves, and respirators are necessary to prevent accidents from slipping, and chemicals. A third written program should list hazard commun ication. It is important for employees to be informed about different chemicals that are being used and how to handle an emergency. The final written program necessary for Bubbas is for employees to be aware of visits to ensure proper work safety. This can help make the workplace safer. Regardless of what business is being conducted, it is important to meet all rules and regulations set by OSHA. Each business that provides services will have different divisions and categories that must follow the given rules. Following these rules will

Managing under uncertainty Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Managing under uncertainty - Essay Example When she looks at the files concerning the case, she finds that all of them contain medical records giving details of individuals suffering from the same symptoms and conditions. This arouses her suspicions and upon further investigation, she finds that the local energy company has been contaminating the water supply of the client and this has been the cause of all the bad health conditions she has been experiencing (Scharfenaker 20). Erin decided to investigate further and this leads her to the discovery that the presence of chromium in the water supply is responsible for the bad health conditions of many residents living in the same area as her client. To counter this, she convinces these people to go up against the energy company, and in an unprecedented decision, these people are awarded millions of dollars in compensation. This movie is an extremely well made one because it enables those who watch it to explore diverse moral and ethical issues, which would never be normally disc ussed. When making a study of the above film, there are certain people who would look upon it from the position of ethical relativism. This is because of the fact that despite not being a lawyer, and her having no qualification that is related to that profession, Erin Brockovich took it upon herself to represent the people who had been affected by the actions of the energy company. Some would say that it was not her place to take matters into her own hands because despite the fact that she worked at a law firm, she had no qualifications to do so. While she may have won the case for her clients, those opposed to a non-legal person presenting a case in court would say that the best thing that she may have done would have been to hand the case over to one of the lawyers at her firm (Lopate). The fact that she won the case may be considered to have been a fluke, that it was luck, which got her through it, not her professionalism. Since ethical relativism is the viewpoint where morality is dependent on the norms of a culture, which practice it, one would say that Erin might have been right in taking the action that she took. She did what she thought was right and went ahead to defend the people whose health was being placed at risk by those who would otherwise not have thought to take any action by themselves. It is the society which determines whether the actions of individuals is ethically right or wrong, and while some may dispute Erin’s actions as being that of a wannabe lawyer, it is a fact that she did what many lawyers would not have chosen to do, despite its being their duty. She chose to represent and place the case of people who lacked representation in court, hence helping them receive some compensation for the suffering that they had been undergoing. One would therefore say that while it was not her job to represent these people, Erin was ethically bound to do so because she had plenty of knowledge concerning the case, and not to take any action would have been immoral of her. It is the duty of and a requirement for all people working in law firms to maintain the highest standards of ethics when carrying out their duties towards those whom they are concerned with. While doing this, they should always keep in mind that the best interests of their clients are put above

Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims

Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims Religious conversion, cultural identity and national belonging: The world of Bulgarian Muslims (Pomaks). Introduction It is always interesting to immerse in the mysterious past and to discover how the sense of national identity is created and transformed over the years. Throughout olden times and until now, cultural margins have shrunk or expanded, established nations and minorities within these have interacted with and influenced each other, religious and cultural conversions have frequently taken place and in the melting pot of history new distinctive uniqueness has begun to exist. This is particularly valid when the case of Bulgarian Muslims is discussed. Moreover, it is important to recognise here that the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks has been a subject of endless speculations and ethnic and political claims over the years and it is still very much unknown to the Western European ethnological and historical research literature. Much of the translated work that refers to the Pomaks is from Greek, Serbian, Turkish or Macedonian origin. Therefore it is, fair to say that the story of this Muslim enclave that inhibits mostly Bulgarian territories and speaks Bulgarian language, must be considered from a Bulgarian point of view and this is the main aim here. Consequently, this essay will examine the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, their religious conversion from Christianity to Islam and the formation and transformation of their cultural identity and sense of national belonging. To accomplish all this, the essay will firstly discuss the religious conversion of the Pomaks, its background, character, mode and outcomes and how it has laid the foundations of Bulgarian Muslims’ cultural identity. In addition, this paper will comment on the transformation of the cultural identity and sense of national belonging of Bulgarian Muslims. Finally, it will conclude with thoughts on self-perception, perception of others and future hopes. Definition of the term Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks Before elaborating further on all abovementioned points, there is a need to establish and define the term Bulgarian Muslims and describe it in Bulgarian context. In order to achieve this, two reliable sources will be cited. Commenting on the issue of cultural belonging and religious identity of Muslims in Bulgaria, Kemal Karpat, a Turkish historian and researcher, states that: The Muslim identity of these populations consisted outwardly of certain objective symbols and acts such as names and ritualsand at their place of origin they tended to identify themselves with Islam in terms of social behaviour, rather than in terms of a political systemand possessed a passive communal Muslim identity (1990, pp. 131-132). In his The hijra from Russia and the Balkans: the process of self-definition in the late Ottoman state, he argues that the largest population group â€Å"in the area that is now Bulgaria†, was the Muslim population group. In terms of spoken language, he endorses that â€Å"they spoke Slavic† (1990, pp.132-134). In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, pp. 41-62), the well-known Bulgarian historian, researcher and writer Hristo Krasin, presents a different point of view to that of Kemal Karpat. He argues that all modern Bulgarian population has a strong Bulgarian ethnic origin and comprises of four groups. The first group consists of Bulgarians, who speak Bulgarian language and are Eastern Orthodox Christians. The second one consists of Bulgarians, who recognise themselves as Bulgarian speaking Muslims with Bulgarian or Turkish national identity. The third one consists of Bulgarian speaking Muslims, who recognise themselves as ethnic Turks because their Bulgarian national identity was partially erased over the centuries due to the aggressive assimilation politic of the Turkish Empire. The last group consists of Bulgarian individuals, who speak Bulgarian and Turkish languages. They recognise themselves as ethnic Turks, whose religions are Christianity and Islam and whose Bulgarian national identity was fully erased under centuries of Turkish Islamic brutality in Bulgaria. This classification of ethnic and religious groups only appears to be straightforward. In the context of the tricky ethic and religious relationships in Bulgaria and in the Balkans, nothing is ever simple. Hence, the purpose of this essay is not to involve the reader in a discussion of the suggested categorisation or its validity or reliability but to establish some clarity into the complicated issue of ethnicity and identity of the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims and their ethnic, cultural and national identity and self-perception. Subsequently, this paper will confine itself to the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, further referred to as Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. Religious conversion: Pomaks until 1878 As it already beginning to emerge, the case of the Pomaks is complicated and a number of debates around it, display very strong positions and conflicting opinions. In order to appreciate all points of view and in search for the truth, it is imperative to consider the historical background of the issue. The existence of closed Muslim societies in Bulgaria is the direct inheritance of five centuries long Turkish rule over the Balkan Peninsula (Todorova, 1998, p.3). Even though there is no reliable data or figures to inform of population characteristics or major population shifts, some research has been done and there are number of existing theories that explain the size and grouping of Muslim population on the Peninsula. In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, p. 23), Hristo Krasin has attempted to assess the character and the effects of these movements. He claims that there were not any significant population transfers from Anatolia to the Balkans between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries and that the military formation send to take the Peninsula over, comprised only of soldiers and there no women travelling with the army. In her Identity (Trans) Formation among Bulgarian Muslims, Maria Todorova, a researcher from The University of California (1998, p.4) argues that the â€Å"chief historiographical controversy centres on the explanations for the sizeable Muslim population in the Balkans: Colonisation versus Conversion theory†. Furthermore, she suggests that â€Å"by the sixteenth century the settler colonisation process had stopped and yet the percentage of Muslims in the region continued to grow. Thus, the hypothesis offered is that â€Å"there were a great number of personal conversions to Islam among the non-Muslim population of the Balkans, respectively Bulgaria† (Todorova, 1998, p.6). In addition, a whole range of reliable academic research and publications from Bulgarian and Turkish authors, such as Omer Barkan from Istanbul University, Elena Grozdanova from the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, the Albanian historian Sami Pulaha (all cited in Todorova, 1998, pp. 2-5), refer to data to evidence rapid Muslim population growth in Bulgaria between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries due either colonisation or conversion. In an attempt to join this debate and in discussion of the concrete but complex case of the Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, it must be suggested here that although there is evidence to support both theories, the majority of all available sources, also supported by official documents and survived the time registers of the Ottoman empire, shape the idea that religious conversion on a massive scale took place in Bulgaria and respectively in the Balkans (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). The question is how the conversion from Christianity to Islam was carried out and the answer to this question is directly connected with Pomaks’ self-identification as Muslims and consequently gives some light into their actions and behavioural characteristics as citizens of the Ottoman Empire until the nineteenth century and independent Bulgaria after that. To discuss the mode of the religious conversion of the Pomaks and emphasise its importance for the formation of their cultural identity and national belonging, it must be made clear here that â€Å"conversion may occur in one or more of three ways: through voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation. Syncretism and strong cultural resistance can also complicate the conversion process† (The Applied History Research group, 2000, pp.1-3). There is another raging debate in Bulgarian and Balkan historiographical research literature about the mode of Pomaks’ conversion to Islam and the co-existence of Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims. On the one hand, there are these, who argue that the conversion was forced upon the Christian population of Bulgaria and over the centuries, and especially the seventeen century, there was a mass conversion to Islam in across the country and especially in the mountain Rodopi region. There is a huge amount of literature, both academic and journalistic, supported with reliable and substantial evidence that the alleged obligatory conversion took place. In his Genocide and Holocaust against Bulgarians (2006, p.63), Bulgarian academic historian and writer Georgi Voinov claims that the systematic and focused compulsory conversion to Islam was one of the favourite methods of control and ruling in the Ottoman Empire, well known for its strong assimilation aspirations in order to promote pan-Turkism. To sustain his assertions, Voinov cites numerous sources, based on authentic literature, written by survivors or witnesses from fourteenth to eighteenth centuries. He also claims that there are official registers of the Ottoman Empire that had also captured those events and give objective information and statistics of all the atrocities that took place in the name of Islam and in order to erase Bulgarian national identity among the Bulgarian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). All abovementioned sources affirm that Islam in Bulgaria was not accepted voluntary but under duress. In the History Reader: The Rodopi mountain through the centuries (1966, p. 78), Bulgarian historian Peter Petrov cites a source from the sixteenth century that talks of 325 thousand young Bulgarian youths forcefully converted to Islam and taken to Anatolia to commence military service in the Turkish army. Only the boy’s number was known, for the girls, no-one has ever known. It is claimed, that conversion took place in 1515 and under the command of Selim Pasha. There are also endless lists from administrative Ottoman registers reporting evidence that Islam was not accepted on voluntary basis. Mass conversions took place in 1620, 1633, 1669, 1705, 1720, 1803, all of those through fire and sword, drowning in blood any resistance from the local Christian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). On the other hand, there are those academic writers and journalists, who for one reason or another and in an attempt to politicise the issue of Bulgarian Muslims, are nowadays trying to reassess historical events. Special attention is given to the religious and cultural conversion in Bulgaria. In the recently published second edition of his book The Mohammedan Bulgarians (2007, pp. 5-12), Bulgarian researcher and writer Stojan Raichevski asserts that change to Islam was forced upon the Christian Bulgarians by the power of the sword to a minimal degree but there were many other, more important reasons and economic factors, that played a key role, such as preferential taxation and trading agreements for Muslims in the Empire, the greed of the Greek Orthodox clergy, the conflict between the Bogomils and the Orthodox Church, etc. In addition, Kemal Karpat comments that at the time when their land was conquered, the Slavic speaking Muslims were under the authority of their local feudal lords and accepted Islam as the new faith as it supposedly was close to their native faith of Bogomilism, a mixture of Christianity, paganism and Manichaeism. In doing so, they hoped to preserve their land holdings and ethnic identity. Furthermore, according to the Applied History Research group of the University of Calgary (2000, p.1), â€Å"although conversion by pressure cannot be termed voluntary, the degree of force and coercion varies greatly. Indeed, military conquest was typically followed by the application of subtler pressures, such as commercial or judicial sanctions, to enforce the requirement of the new rulers†. Economic pressure was just as effective as an unrestrained military subjugation. Thinking objectively and considering all points of view and available data, one does not doubt here that many factors acted as an incentive to mass Islamic conversions in Bulgaria. What is interesting to communicate through this piece of work is that the combination of the different modes of conversion: by voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation, was accompanied with syncretism that determined some degree of cultural adaptation. It did, in turn, also provoke fierce cultural resistance and martyrdom from a large part of the Christian population. Hence, here was the historical picture in Bulgaria. On the one hand, those Bulgarians, who surrendered their religion for one reason or another, became Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. They continued speaking Bulgarian language and the local area dialect, build their houses in Bulgarian architectural traditions, saved some elements of their old dress code, continued to recognise themselves as Bulgarians but built mosques, celebrated Eid and enjoyed preferential treatment from the Ottoman rulers. However, over the centuries they were exposed to the influences of their adopted Islamic religion and the aggressive pan-Turkism promoted in the Ottoman Empire and through blending of various aspects of different cultural customs and religious rituals or syncretism, somewhat new cultural arrangements took place. Bulgarian Muslims adapted culturally to the life in the Empire and although preserving their Slavic language and some sense of Bulgarian national identity, their levels of cultural adaptation reached much greater heights than those among the Christian Bulgarian population. Due to this fact and over the centuries, the Pomaks have tried to self-define themselves in terms of national conciseness and have become vulnerable to influences and an object of hatred or even political struggle. On the other hand, while Bulgarian Muslims were going through the process of cultural assimilation, the larger part of the Bulgarian population withstood the pressure, continued to observe their faith and traditions, regularly rebelled against the Turkish rulers and took part in more than fifty military conquests against the Turks, led by different European rulers. All Bulgarian uprisings against the Ottoman Sultans, fourteen in total in Bulgaria itself (Voinov, 2006, p.26), were drowned in blood. What needs clarification here is one, not very well popularised fact: Bulgarian Muslims took active part in the suppression and crushing of many of the rebellions. This, in turn, raises many questions, with one most imperative. What were the reasons that in the same ethnic population group, some of its members took the way of conversion and cultural adaptation but the others chose cultural resistance, martyrdom and self-martyrdom? How could these two groups live in relative peace under Ottoman rule but when an uprising against the Turks took place, Bulgarian Muslims ferociously and viciously attacked their Christian neighbours and fought on the side of the Turks, committing acts of unheard of cruelty and brutality? Their participation in the crushing of the April uprising of 1876 is notorious and it was described by the American writer and journalist Janarius Aloysius McGahan, who was one of the greatest war correspondents in the nineteenth century. In his American witness (2002, 3rd Ed.), Bulgarian historian Teodor Dimitrov has published McGahan’s notes about the atrocities in Batak, Bulgaria, and they read: â€Å"We spoke with many women, who had been through all stages of torture without the last one, death. The procedure, as it seemed, was the following: the Turks would take a woman, undress her, putting aside her valuables, gang-rape her and the last one, who had her, would kill her or let her go, depending on his mood†. What McGahan does not note here is that the Turks were not alone in the slaughter of the rebels. They are aided by their helpers’, the local Pomak population, Greeks and other small ethnic groups. Thus, Christian Bulgarians fought for freedom, while Muslim Bulgarians took part in the massacre of their uprising. What could have possibly provoked someone to behave in such a way? According to Doinov et al. (2001, p.112), â€Å"the shown cruelty was an outburst of the deep national and religious hatred against the oppressed nationalities in the Ottoman Empire, that has been groomed and encouraged for centuries by the ruling powers†. However, something else was at work there too. Kemal Karpat (1990, p.136) explains that Balkan Muslims, although living in a hostile Christian European world, remained largely apolitical. However, their â€Å"passive cultural-religious consciousness was easily converted to a dynamic Muslim identity when the circumstances required†. Perhaps when Bulgarian Muslims were faced with an unconditional act of resistance in the â€Å"most dramatic form: suicide and self-martyrdom† (2000, p.3), those acted as catalyst and the Pomaks replied with repression and brutality. Ekaterina Peychinova, Director of the Museum of History in Batak describes what drove the oppressors mad: For three days and three nights the people inside the church held together, and the shooting outside did not stop for a minute. At the end of the third day they gave in and opened the gates of the church. But then they had only two options: either become Muslims or die. Every single one of them chose death. (cited in Ivanova, 2008, p.1) The horrific power of those events and the depth of feelings and emotions are overwhelming. Keeping in mind that Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims are from the same ethnic origin and the same blood flows in their veins, have religious and cultural conversion, syncretism and assimilation have changed the latter so much that they could commit such acts and have identity switch over, allowing for full degradation of human values? This essay does not have the ambitious goal to answer all those questions. History gives the answers and it will do the same here too. Many years have gone since those ghastly days and Pomaks’ sense of cultural identity and national belonging has evolved and changed again as Bulgarian Muslims themselves were at the receiving end of numerous assimilation governmental campaigns and strategies from 1878 until now. Cultural identity and national belonging of Bulgarian Pomaks Due to the fact that the Bulgarian speaking Muslims took an active part in the suppressing the April uprising of 1876, they did not enjoy friendly treatment from their Christian neighbours. With the advancement of the Russian armies in 1878, retaliation began and a substantial part of the Pomaks immigrated to the Ottoman empire, refusing to live under the rule of the â€Å"giaurs† or infidels. Many others took part in the Rodopi mutiny and lived in the so-called Pomak republic for about eight years until 1886, when the participating villages were included in the Ottoman Empire but only until the Balkan wars (Todorva, 1998, p.9). Furthermore, in the Ottoman Population: 1830-1914 (1985, p.78), Kemal Karpat cites Ottoman statistics, indicating that the total population of the Empire rose by about 40% in the period 1860-1878 due to coercive measures by Russia and Bulgaria. He mentions that among the Balkan migrants there were large groups of Slavic-speaking Bosnians, Herzegovinians, Montenegrins and Pomaks with a negative sense of ethnic identity, as they considered themselves as Muslims but not Osmanlis (Turks). Thus, judging by the actions of the Pomaks, the question that must be asked here is: did the Pomaks have a Turkish or Bulgarian cultural and national identity at the end of the nineteen and beginning of twentieth century and is it possible to differentiate between religious and ethnic belonging? The Pomaks, who immigrated to the Ottoman Empire, had their cultural identity politicised and defined as Muslim and Turkish under the influence of the local political and ethnic culture (Karpat, 1990, p.137). Unfortunately, the Pomaks, who stayed in Bulgaria, did not have the opportunity to decide for themselves freely because during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, they were subjected to a number of keen campaigns to accept and recognise them as part of the Bulgarian nation or â€Å"narod†, starting from 1920-s and continuing until the mid-80-s. In 1942, the first ever mass attempt to change the names of the Bulgarian Muslims to Bulgarian names took place. It was a result of the work of the Pomaks’ own organisation, called â€Å"Rodina† or Motherland. Consisting mainly of teachers, â€Å"Rodina† strove to improve the position of the Pomaks in Bulgarian society and to save them from the growing resentment and marginalisation. In the context of the Third Bulgarian Kingdom (1878 – 1944) and its nationalistic ambitions and assimilative tendencies, it is important to acknowledge here that Motherlands’ actions were justified in terms of seeking a national, cultural and linguistic unity of the Bulgarian society and the difficulties that the Pomaks could have faced, if tried to fit in that society. What is questionable here is the Pomaks desire to fit in. Although the Pomaks have, at that point, lost the very close contact with their original cultural authority, the Ottoman Empire, they were still in favour of their religious affiliation and were not willing to adapt to the fresh, language-based identity actively promoted by the modern Bulgarian state at that time (Todorova, 1998, p. 11). Another problem here is the attitude of the Christian Bulgarians, whose national consciousness was determined by religious and linguistic boundaries. Were they ready to forget the Ottoman rule and April 1876 and to accept the Pomaks as part of the Bulgarian nation and allow assimilation? Could adaptation and adoption take place and the complex issue of national identity, belonging and unity be resolved peacefully and once and for all? What is better: common national identity and national unity or multi-cultural society? During communist rule in the 1960-s, 1970-s and 1980-s, various Bulgarian governments tried to resolve the issue through numerous heavy-handed assimilation campaigns, when all Muslim names were changed to Bulgarian names, an attempt was made to form a united Bulgarian nation in order to neutralise nationalistic ambitions and claims from neighbouring Turkey. After the democratic reforms from 1989, all ethnic and religious groups in Bulgaria gained the freedom to self-identify themselves and promote their national and religious distinctiveness. All Muslim names were restored and seemingly the great effort to create a united Bulgarian national identity had ended. Hence, the national identity and cultural belonging of the Pomaks are somewhat fluid and non-defined, and the coming generations will have the chance to accomplish the process of integration or affiliation as they choose. It is, however, ultimate to accept the lessons of history and to abolish all attempts to forcefully create a single identity with identical religious or national characteristics. Cultural conversion through co-operation and co-existence is frequently welcome by small or big population groups, whilst conversion by pressure, conflict and aggressive assimilation is rejected and leads to confusion, hatred and frequently violent resistance. Conclusion In conclusion, it must be recognised here that the case of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks is of complex nature and the issue of defining their national identity and cultural belonging is still unresolved. There are many more questions to ask and answer and many more avenues to explore in order to establish which one of the national identity constituents is the most influential and possess the ultimate formative power. Consequently, it is the greatest regret of this work that it is impossible to analyse or develop fully all themes, ideas and debates in connection with the cultural identity, national belonging and self-perception of the Pomaks, when the number of words is restricted and there is lack of the research available. However, one humbly hopes to have offered here, merely an attempt of discussion on the important issues of cultural and religious identity and how they shape the very centre of the human concept of self. Finally, it must be emphasised here that the writing of this essay has been a vast learning experience for the author, an opportunity to study, investigate and explore the world of Bulgarian Muslims and be taught lessons that put historical and contemporary events into perspective. Bibliography Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (1982). History of Bulgaria. Sofia: BAN Press, vol. 3-7. Dimitrov, T. (2002). American witness. 3rd Ed. Geneva: Geneva press. Doinov, D., Jechev, N. Kosev, K. (2001). The April uprising and the fate of the Bulgarian nation. Sofia: Academic Press â€Å"Professor Marin Drinov†. Ivanova, M. (2008). St. Nedelya church in Batak. Available from: http://www.pravoslavieto.com. (Accessed: 12 April 2008). Karpat, K. (1985). Ottoman Population: 1830-1914. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Karpat, K. (1990). The hijra from Russia and the Balkans: the process of self-definition in the late Ottoman state. In: Eickelman, D. Piscatori, J. (Ed.). Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, migration, and the religious imagination. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Chapter 7, pp. 131-152. Krasin, H. (2007). Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula. (Turskite porazii v Bulgaria i na Balkanskia Poluostrov). Sofia: Svetovit Press. Petrov, P. (1966). History Reader: The Rodopi mountain through the centuries. Sofia: BKP Press. Rajcevski, S. (2004). The Mohammedan Bulgarians (Pomaks). (Balgarite Mohamedani). Sofia: Bulgarian Bestseller Press. The Applied History Research Group. (2000) Old World Contacts. Available from: http://www.ucalgary.ca/applied_history. (Accessed: 14 April 2008). Todorova, M. (1998). Identity (Trans) Formation among Bulgarian Muslims. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Voinov, G. (2006). Genocide and Holocaust against Bulgarians. (Genotsidad i Holokostat sreshtu Balgarite.) Sofia: Arateb Press. Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims Religious conversion, cultural identity and national belonging: The world of Bulgarian Muslims (Pomaks). Introduction It is always interesting to immerse in the mysterious past and to discover how the sense of national identity is created and transformed over the years. Throughout olden times and until now, cultural margins have shrunk or expanded, established nations and minorities within these have interacted with and influenced each other, religious and cultural conversions have frequently taken place and in the melting pot of history new distinctive uniqueness has begun to exist. This is particularly valid when the case of Bulgarian Muslims is discussed. Moreover, it is important to recognise here that the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks has been a subject of endless speculations and ethnic and political claims over the years and it is still very much unknown to the Western European ethnological and historical research literature. Much of the translated work that refers to the Pomaks is from Greek, Serbian, Turkish or Macedonian origin. Therefore it is, fair to say that the story of this Muslim enclave that inhibits mostly Bulgarian territories and speaks Bulgarian language, must be considered from a Bulgarian point of view and this is the main aim here. Consequently, this essay will examine the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, their religious conversion from Christianity to Islam and the formation and transformation of their cultural identity and sense of national belonging. To accomplish all this, the essay will firstly discuss the religious conversion of the Pomaks, its background, character, mode and outcomes and how it has laid the foundations of Bulgarian Muslims’ cultural identity. In addition, this paper will comment on the transformation of the cultural identity and sense of national belonging of Bulgarian Muslims. Finally, it will conclude with thoughts on self-perception, perception of others and future hopes. Definition of the term Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks Before elaborating further on all abovementioned points, there is a need to establish and define the term Bulgarian Muslims and describe it in Bulgarian context. In order to achieve this, two reliable sources will be cited. Commenting on the issue of cultural belonging and religious identity of Muslims in Bulgaria, Kemal Karpat, a Turkish historian and researcher, states that: The Muslim identity of these populations consisted outwardly of certain objective symbols and acts such as names and ritualsand at their place of origin they tended to identify themselves with Islam in terms of social behaviour, rather than in terms of a political systemand possessed a passive communal Muslim identity (1990, pp. 131-132). In his The hijra from Russia and the Balkans: the process of self-definition in the late Ottoman state, he argues that the largest population group â€Å"in the area that is now Bulgaria†, was the Muslim population group. In terms of spoken language, he endorses that â€Å"they spoke Slavic† (1990, pp.132-134). In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, pp. 41-62), the well-known Bulgarian historian, researcher and writer Hristo Krasin, presents a different point of view to that of Kemal Karpat. He argues that all modern Bulgarian population has a strong Bulgarian ethnic origin and comprises of four groups. The first group consists of Bulgarians, who speak Bulgarian language and are Eastern Orthodox Christians. The second one consists of Bulgarians, who recognise themselves as Bulgarian speaking Muslims with Bulgarian or Turkish national identity. The third one consists of Bulgarian speaking Muslims, who recognise themselves as ethnic Turks because their Bulgarian national identity was partially erased over the centuries due to the aggressive assimilation politic of the Turkish Empire. The last group consists of Bulgarian individuals, who speak Bulgarian and Turkish languages. They recognise themselves as ethnic Turks, whose religions are Christianity and Islam and whose Bulgarian national identity was fully erased under centuries of Turkish Islamic brutality in Bulgaria. This classification of ethnic and religious groups only appears to be straightforward. In the context of the tricky ethic and religious relationships in Bulgaria and in the Balkans, nothing is ever simple. Hence, the purpose of this essay is not to involve the reader in a discussion of the suggested categorisation or its validity or reliability but to establish some clarity into the complicated issue of ethnicity and identity of the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims and their ethnic, cultural and national identity and self-perception. Subsequently, this paper will confine itself to the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, further referred to as Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. Religious conversion: Pomaks until 1878 As it already beginning to emerge, the case of the Pomaks is complicated and a number of debates around it, display very strong positions and conflicting opinions. In order to appreciate all points of view and in search for the truth, it is imperative to consider the historical background of the issue. The existence of closed Muslim societies in Bulgaria is the direct inheritance of five centuries long Turkish rule over the Balkan Peninsula (Todorova, 1998, p.3). Even though there is no reliable data or figures to inform of population characteristics or major population shifts, some research has been done and there are number of existing theories that explain the size and grouping of Muslim population on the Peninsula. In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, p. 23), Hristo Krasin has attempted to assess the character and the effects of these movements. He claims that there were not any significant population transfers from Anatolia to the Balkans between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries and that the military formation send to take the Peninsula over, comprised only of soldiers and there no women travelling with the army. In her Identity (Trans) Formation among Bulgarian Muslims, Maria Todorova, a researcher from The University of California (1998, p.4) argues that the â€Å"chief historiographical controversy centres on the explanations for the sizeable Muslim population in the Balkans: Colonisation versus Conversion theory†. Furthermore, she suggests that â€Å"by the sixteenth century the settler colonisation process had stopped and yet the percentage of Muslims in the region continued to grow. Thus, the hypothesis offered is that â€Å"there were a great number of personal conversions to Islam among the non-Muslim population of the Balkans, respectively Bulgaria† (Todorova, 1998, p.6). In addition, a whole range of reliable academic research and publications from Bulgarian and Turkish authors, such as Omer Barkan from Istanbul University, Elena Grozdanova from the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, the Albanian historian Sami Pulaha (all cited in Todorova, 1998, pp. 2-5), refer to data to evidence rapid Muslim population growth in Bulgaria between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries due either colonisation or conversion. In an attempt to join this debate and in discussion of the concrete but complex case of the Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, it must be suggested here that although there is evidence to support both theories, the majority of all available sources, also supported by official documents and survived the time registers of the Ottoman empire, shape the idea that religious conversion on a massive scale took place in Bulgaria and respectively in the Balkans (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). The question is how the conversion from Christianity to Islam was carried out and the answer to this question is directly connected with Pomaks’ self-identification as Muslims and consequently gives some light into their actions and behavioural characteristics as citizens of the Ottoman Empire until the nineteenth century and independent Bulgaria after that. To discuss the mode of the religious conversion of the Pomaks and emphasise its importance for the formation of their cultural identity and national belonging, it must be made clear here that â€Å"conversion may occur in one or more of three ways: through voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation. Syncretism and strong cultural resistance can also complicate the conversion process† (The Applied History Research group, 2000, pp.1-3). There is another raging debate in Bulgarian and Balkan historiographical research literature about the mode of Pomaks’ conversion to Islam and the co-existence of Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims. On the one hand, there are these, who argue that the conversion was forced upon the Christian population of Bulgaria and over the centuries, and especially the seventeen century, there was a mass conversion to Islam in across the country and especially in the mountain Rodopi region. There is a huge amount of literature, both academic and journalistic, supported with reliable and substantial evidence that the alleged obligatory conversion took place. In his Genocide and Holocaust against Bulgarians (2006, p.63), Bulgarian academic historian and writer Georgi Voinov claims that the systematic and focused compulsory conversion to Islam was one of the favourite methods of control and ruling in the Ottoman Empire, well known for its strong assimilation aspirations in order to promote pan-Turkism. To sustain his assertions, Voinov cites numerous sources, based on authentic literature, written by survivors or witnesses from fourteenth to eighteenth centuries. He also claims that there are official registers of the Ottoman Empire that had also captured those events and give objective information and statistics of all the atrocities that took place in the name of Islam and in order to erase Bulgarian national identity among the Bulgarian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). All abovementioned sources affirm that Islam in Bulgaria was not accepted voluntary but under duress. In the History Reader: The Rodopi mountain through the centuries (1966, p. 78), Bulgarian historian Peter Petrov cites a source from the sixteenth century that talks of 325 thousand young Bulgarian youths forcefully converted to Islam and taken to Anatolia to commence military service in the Turkish army. Only the boy’s number was known, for the girls, no-one has ever known. It is claimed, that conversion took place in 1515 and under the command of Selim Pasha. There are also endless lists from administrative Ottoman registers reporting evidence that Islam was not accepted on voluntary basis. Mass conversions took place in 1620, 1633, 1669, 1705, 1720, 1803, all of those through fire and sword, drowning in blood any resistance from the local Christian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). On the other hand, there are those academic writers and journalists, who for one reason or another and in an attempt to politicise the issue of Bulgarian Muslims, are nowadays trying to reassess historical events. Special attention is given to the religious and cultural conversion in Bulgaria. In the recently published second edition of his book The Mohammedan Bulgarians (2007, pp. 5-12), Bulgarian researcher and writer Stojan Raichevski asserts that change to Islam was forced upon the Christian Bulgarians by the power of the sword to a minimal degree but there were many other, more important reasons and economic factors, that played a key role, such as preferential taxation and trading agreements for Muslims in the Empire, the greed of the Greek Orthodox clergy, the conflict between the Bogomils and the Orthodox Church, etc. In addition, Kemal Karpat comments that at the time when their land was conquered, the Slavic speaking Muslims were under the authority of their local feudal lords and accepted Islam as the new faith as it supposedly was close to their native faith of Bogomilism, a mixture of Christianity, paganism and Manichaeism. In doing so, they hoped to preserve their land holdings and ethnic identity. Furthermore, according to the Applied History Research group of the University of Calgary (2000, p.1), â€Å"although conversion by pressure cannot be termed voluntary, the degree of force and coercion varies greatly. Indeed, military conquest was typically followed by the application of subtler pressures, such as commercial or judicial sanctions, to enforce the requirement of the new rulers†. Economic pressure was just as effective as an unrestrained military subjugation. Thinking objectively and considering all points of view and available data, one does not doubt here that many factors acted as an incentive to mass Islamic conversions in Bulgaria. What is interesting to communicate through this piece of work is that the combination of the different modes of conversion: by voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation, was accompanied with syncretism that determined some degree of cultural adaptation. It did, in turn, also provoke fierce cultural resistance and martyrdom from a large part of the Christian population. Hence, here was the historical picture in Bulgaria. On the one hand, those Bulgarians, who surrendered their religion for one reason or another, became Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. They continued speaking Bulgarian language and the local area dialect, build their houses in Bulgarian architectural traditions, saved some elements of their old dress code, continued to recognise themselves as Bulgarians but built mosques, celebrated Eid and enjoyed preferential treatment from the Ottoman rulers. However, over the centuries they were exposed to the influences of their adopted Islamic religion and the aggressive pan-Turkism promoted in the Ottoman Empire and through blending of various aspects of different cultural customs and religious rituals or syncretism, somewhat new cultural arrangements took place. Bulgarian Muslims adapted culturally to the life in the Empire and although preserving their Slavic language and some sense of Bulgarian national identity, their levels of cultural adaptation reached much greater heights than those among the Christian Bulgarian population. Due to this fact and over the centuries, the Pomaks have tried to self-define themselves in terms of national conciseness and have become vulnerable to influences and an object of hatred or even political struggle. On the other hand, while Bulgarian Muslims were going through the process of cultural assimilation, the larger part of the Bulgarian population withstood the pressure, continued to observe their faith and traditions, regularly rebelled against the Turkish rulers and took part in more than fifty military conquests against the Turks, led by different European rulers. All Bulgarian uprisings against the Ottoman Sultans, fourteen in total in Bulgaria itself (Voinov, 2006, p.26), were drowned in blood. What needs clarification here is one, not very well popularised fact: Bulgarian Muslims took active part in the suppression and crushing of many of the rebellions. This, in turn, raises many questions, with one most imperative. What were the reasons that in the same ethnic population group, some of its members took the way of conversion and cultural adaptation but the others chose cultural resistance, martyrdom and self-martyrdom? How could these two groups live in relative peace under Ottoman rule but when an uprising against the Turks took place, Bulgarian Muslims ferociously and viciously attacked their Christian neighbours and fought on the side of the Turks, committing acts of unheard of cruelty and brutality? Their participation in the crushing of the April uprising of 1876 is notorious and it was described by the American writer and journalist Janarius Aloysius McGahan, who was one of the greatest war correspondents in the nineteenth century. In his American witness (2002, 3rd Ed.), Bulgarian historian Teodor Dimitrov has published McGahan’s notes about the atrocities in Batak, Bulgaria, and they read: â€Å"We spoke with many women, who had been through all stages of torture without the last one, death. The procedure, as it seemed, was the following: the Turks would take a woman, undress her, putting aside her valuables, gang-rape her and the last one, who had her, would kill her or let her go, depending on his mood†. What McGahan does not note here is that the Turks were not alone in the slaughter of the rebels. They are aided by their helpers’, the local Pomak population, Greeks and other small ethnic groups. Thus, Christian Bulgarians fought for freedom, while Muslim Bulgarians took part in the massacre of their uprising. What could have possibly provoked someone to behave in such a way? According to Doinov et al. (2001, p.112), â€Å"the shown cruelty was an outburst of the deep national and religious hatred against the oppressed nationalities in the Ottoman Empire, that has been groomed and encouraged for centuries by the ruling powers†. However, something else was at work there too. Kemal Karpat (1990, p.136) explains that Balkan Muslims, although living in a hostile Christian European world, remained largely apolitical. However, their â€Å"passive cultural-religious consciousness was easily converted to a dynamic Muslim identity when the circumstances required†. Perhaps when Bulgarian Muslims were faced with an unconditional act of resistance in the â€Å"most dramatic form: suicide and self-martyrdom† (2000, p.3), those acted as catalyst and the Pomaks replied with repression and brutality. Ekaterina Peychinova, Director of the Museum of History in Batak describes what drove the oppressors mad: For three days and three nights the people inside the church held together, and the shooting outside did not stop for a minute. At the end of the third day they gave in and opened the gates of the church. But then they had only two options: either become Muslims or die. Every single one of them chose death. (cited in Ivanova, 2008, p.1) The horrific power of those events and the depth of feelings and emotions are overwhelming. Keeping in mind that Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims are from the same ethnic origin and the same blood flows in their veins, have religious and cultural conversion, syncretism and assimilation have changed the latter so much that they could commit such acts and have identity switch over, allowing for full degradation of human values? This essay does not have the ambitious goal to answer all those questions. History gives the answers and it will do the same here too. Many years have gone since those ghastly days and Pomaks’ sense of cultural identity and national belonging has evolved and changed again as Bulgarian Muslims themselves were at the receiving end of numerous assimilation governmental campaigns and strategies from 1878 until now. Cultural identity and national belonging of Bulgarian Pomaks Due to the fact that the Bulgarian speaking Muslims took an active part in the suppressing the April uprising of 1876, they did not enjoy friendly treatment from their Christian neighbours. With the advancement of the Russian armies in 1878, retaliation began and a substantial part of the Pomaks immigrated to the Ottoman empire, refusing to live under the rule of the â€Å"giaurs† or infidels. Many others took part in the Rodopi mutiny and lived in the so-called Pomak republic for about eight years until 1886, when the participating villages were included in the Ottoman Empire but only until the Balkan wars (Todorva, 1998, p.9). Furthermore, in the Ottoman Population: 1830-1914 (1985, p.78), Kemal Karpat cites Ottoman statistics, indicating that the total population of the Empire rose by about 40% in the period 1860-1878 due to coercive measures by Russia and Bulgaria. He mentions that among the Balkan migrants there were large groups of Slavic-speaking Bosnians, Herzegovinians, Montenegrins and Pomaks with a negative sense of ethnic identity, as they considered themselves as Muslims but not Osmanlis (Turks). Thus, judging by the actions of the Pomaks, the question that must be asked here is: did the Pomaks have a Turkish or Bulgarian cultural and national identity at the end of the nineteen and beginning of twentieth century and is it possible to differentiate between religious and ethnic belonging? The Pomaks, who immigrated to the Ottoman Empire, had their cultural identity politicised and defined as Muslim and Turkish under the influence of the local political and ethnic culture (Karpat, 1990, p.137). Unfortunately, the Pomaks, who stayed in Bulgaria, did not have the opportunity to decide for themselves freely because during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, they were subjected to a number of keen campaigns to accept and recognise them as part of the Bulgarian nation or â€Å"narod†, starting from 1920-s and continuing until the mid-80-s. In 1942, the first ever mass attempt to change the names of the Bulgarian Muslims to Bulgarian names took place. It was a result of the work of the Pomaks’ own organisation, called â€Å"Rodina† or Motherland. Consisting mainly of teachers, â€Å"Rodina† strove to improve the position of the Pomaks in Bulgarian society and to save them from the growing resentment and marginalisation. In the context of the Third Bulgarian Kingdom (1878 – 1944) and its nationalistic ambitions and assimilative tendencies, it is important to acknowledge here that Motherlands’ actions were justified in terms of seeking a national, cultural and linguistic unity of the Bulgarian society and the difficulties that the Pomaks could have faced, if tried to fit in that society. What is questionable here is the Pomaks desire to fit in. Although the Pomaks have, at that point, lost the very close contact with their original cultural authority, the Ottoman Empire, they were still in favour of their religious affiliation and were not willing to adapt to the fresh, language-based identity actively promoted by the modern Bulgarian state at that time (Todorova, 1998, p. 11). Another problem here is the attitude of the Christian Bulgarians, whose national consciousness was determined by religious and linguistic boundaries. Were they ready to forget the Ottoman rule and April 1876 and to accept the Pomaks as part of the Bulgarian nation and allow assimilation? Could adaptation and adoption take place and the complex issue of national identity, belonging and unity be resolved peacefully and once and for all? What is better: common national identity and national unity or multi-cultural society? During communist rule in the 1960-s, 1970-s and 1980-s, various Bulgarian governments tried to resolve the issue through numerous heavy-handed assimilation campaigns, when all Muslim names were changed to Bulgarian names, an attempt was made to form a united Bulgarian nation in order to neutralise nationalistic ambitions and claims from neighbouring Turkey. After the democratic reforms from 1989, all ethnic and religious groups in Bulgaria gained the freedom to self-identify themselves and promote their national and religious distinctiveness. All Muslim names were restored and seemingly the great effort to create a united Bulgarian national identity had ended. Hence, the national identity and cultural belonging of the Pomaks are somewhat fluid and non-defined, and the coming generations will have the chance to accomplish the process of integration or affiliation as they choose. It is, however, ultimate to accept the lessons of history and to abolish all attempts to forcefully create a single identity with identical religious or national characteristics. Cultural conversion through co-operation and co-existence is frequently welcome by small or big population groups, whilst conversion by pressure, conflict and aggressive assimilation is rejected and leads to confusion, hatred and frequently violent resistance. Conclusion In conclusion, it must be recognised here that the case of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks is of complex nature and the issue of defining their national identity and cultural belonging is still unresolved. There are many more questions to ask and answer and many more avenues to explore in order to establish which one of the national identity constituents is the most influential and possess the ultimate formative power. Consequently, it is the greatest regret of this work that it is impossible to analyse or develop fully all themes, ideas and debates in connection with the cultural identity, national belonging and self-perception of the Pomaks, when the number of words is restricted and there is lack of the research available. However, one humbly hopes to have offered here, merely an attempt of discussion on the important issues of cultural and religious identity and how they shape the very centre of the human concept of self. Finally, it must be emphasised here that the writing of this essay has been a vast learning experience for the author, an opportunity to study, investigate and explore the world of Bulgarian Muslims and be taught lessons that put historical and contemporary events into perspective. Bibliography Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (1982). History of Bulgaria. Sofia: BAN Press, vol. 3-7. Dimitrov, T. (2002). American witness. 3rd Ed. Geneva: Geneva press. Doinov, D., Jechev, N. 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